For years, American policy in the Middle East has sat, like a stool, atop three legs. Support for Israel, protecting economic interests (it's not just oil - there's also a fair amount of trade and banking involved), and the power struggle between the regions two great Muslim powers, Saudi Arabia and Iran.
One of those legs is about to be broken, and our government needs to construct a new one if it doesn't want to topple ignominiously off of its precarious regional perch.
The poles of influence in the Arab and Muslim world are shifting. Though still wealthy and formidable, the Saudis don't have the same clout they used to. And even as Iran pursues its nuclear program, its leaders are scrabbling to maintain toe-holds in a region that increasingly deems them irrelevant.
Take a look at what's happened over the past few months. Saudi Arabia has been unable to take decisive action in any of the protests erupting throughout the Arab world. Its many GCC-brokered deals to get Yemeni President Saleh out of power have - obviously - failed, many of the troops now keeping the peace in Bahrain are actually Qatari, and the strict, Wahhabi state has had to relent on civil and women's rights fronts to mollify even the threat of protest.
Iran, meanwhile, couldn't even get Iraq to vote against sanctioning Syria. Iraq, which shares a border, a religion, and a number of cultural traits with Iran, instead abstained, allowing the Arab League to ram tough sanctions down Syria's already parched throat. And while Iran might support Bahraini protesters, the Bahrainis don't support Iran, however Shi'ite it is. In fact, according to Wikileaks, Bahrainis from the ruling al Khalifa family to street vendors fear Iran more than anything else.
But as these two powers diminish in regional influence, two others are ascending. One is new to such geopolitical power, the other a veteran playing piece and sometime player of the Great Game - the struggle for colonial and imperial power that took place from the early 19th to early 20th centuries.
The new one is Qatar. This tiny country has wealth, Islamic credibility, and, though its government doesn't interfere with the station's dealings too often, Al Jazeera. Qatar was the first Arab government to recognize Libya's National Transitional Council, provided Libyan rebels with access to the airwaves, agitated for sanctions against Syria, helped end the Sudanese civil war, and enjoys warm ties with everyone from Hamas to the USA.
The old one is Turkey. Under Prime Minister Recep Erdogan's ruling AKP, Turkey's economy has boomed. His defiance of Israel and his willingness to host Syrian refugees have made him a darling of the Arab press, and his charisma is eerily reminiscent of such great historical figures as Mustafa Kemal and, yes, I'm going there, Winston Churchill. Moreover, Erdogan has managed to do all he's done for Turkey as a member of an Islamist party, without trampling women's rights or compromising Turkey's strong identity as a secular country. (His record on Kurds leaves much to be desired, I admit.)
I think this is a good development, if our leaders choose to recognize it. Qatar and Turkey have legitimacy in the Arab world. They have momentum. They were not created from lines drawn in the sand by colonizing powers. And most importantly, from our perspective, they are far from hostile to Western interests.
Unfortunately, as I've lamented before, our foreign policy in the Middle East always seems to lag far behind developments there. But then again, everything in the Middle East is in flux right now. Maybe our habit of tardiness will change as well.
One of those legs is about to be broken, and our government needs to construct a new one if it doesn't want to topple ignominiously off of its precarious regional perch.
The poles of influence in the Arab and Muslim world are shifting. Though still wealthy and formidable, the Saudis don't have the same clout they used to. And even as Iran pursues its nuclear program, its leaders are scrabbling to maintain toe-holds in a region that increasingly deems them irrelevant.
Take a look at what's happened over the past few months. Saudi Arabia has been unable to take decisive action in any of the protests erupting throughout the Arab world. Its many GCC-brokered deals to get Yemeni President Saleh out of power have - obviously - failed, many of the troops now keeping the peace in Bahrain are actually Qatari, and the strict, Wahhabi state has had to relent on civil and women's rights fronts to mollify even the threat of protest.
Iran, meanwhile, couldn't even get Iraq to vote against sanctioning Syria. Iraq, which shares a border, a religion, and a number of cultural traits with Iran, instead abstained, allowing the Arab League to ram tough sanctions down Syria's already parched throat. And while Iran might support Bahraini protesters, the Bahrainis don't support Iran, however Shi'ite it is. In fact, according to Wikileaks, Bahrainis from the ruling al Khalifa family to street vendors fear Iran more than anything else.
But as these two powers diminish in regional influence, two others are ascending. One is new to such geopolitical power, the other a veteran playing piece and sometime player of the Great Game - the struggle for colonial and imperial power that took place from the early 19th to early 20th centuries.
The new one is Qatar. This tiny country has wealth, Islamic credibility, and, though its government doesn't interfere with the station's dealings too often, Al Jazeera. Qatar was the first Arab government to recognize Libya's National Transitional Council, provided Libyan rebels with access to the airwaves, agitated for sanctions against Syria, helped end the Sudanese civil war, and enjoys warm ties with everyone from Hamas to the USA.
The old one is Turkey. Under Prime Minister Recep Erdogan's ruling AKP, Turkey's economy has boomed. His defiance of Israel and his willingness to host Syrian refugees have made him a darling of the Arab press, and his charisma is eerily reminiscent of such great historical figures as Mustafa Kemal and, yes, I'm going there, Winston Churchill. Moreover, Erdogan has managed to do all he's done for Turkey as a member of an Islamist party, without trampling women's rights or compromising Turkey's strong identity as a secular country. (His record on Kurds leaves much to be desired, I admit.)
I think this is a good development, if our leaders choose to recognize it. Qatar and Turkey have legitimacy in the Arab world. They have momentum. They were not created from lines drawn in the sand by colonizing powers. And most importantly, from our perspective, they are far from hostile to Western interests.
Unfortunately, as I've lamented before, our foreign policy in the Middle East always seems to lag far behind developments there. But then again, everything in the Middle East is in flux right now. Maybe our habit of tardiness will change as well.